Primary education

Explanation

UDISE+ (Unified District Information System for Education Plus) is India's national school data framework that aggregates school-level data on infrastructure, enrolment, teacher deployment, and outcomes — this is correctly matched in Pair 1. The Right to Education Act, 2009 does indeed mandate free and compulsory education for children aged 6–14 and prescribes specific norms including pupil-teacher ratios and minimum infrastructure standards — Pair 2 is correctly matched. However, Pair 3 is incorrect: UDISE+ data is largely self-reported by schools and updated by institutions themselves; it is not subject to mandatory third-party physical verification before being used for national rankings. A key concern raised by ground-level observers (including those conducting school visits in Telangana) is precisely that UDISE+ records may show functional infrastructure — such as drinking water taps — that do not match actual ground reality, indicating the absence of independent physical verification as a systemic requirement.

Explanation

Statement 1 is correct: Samagra Shiksha is indeed an integrated scheme spanning pre-primary to Class 12, aligned with NEP 2020. Statement 2 is correct: ULLAS targets illiterate adults aged 15 years and above, with special emphasis on rural areas, SC/ST-concentrated districts, educationally backward areas, and women. Statement 3 is incorrect: PM SHRI is not aimed at establishing new schools from scratch; rather, it seeks to strengthen and upgrade more than 14,500 existing schools run by central/state/UT governments or local bodies, developing them as model schools.

Explanation

Statement 1 is correct. NEP 2020 restructures school education into a 5+3+3+4 framework. The final stage — the 'Secondary Stage' — spans four years covering Classes 9 through 12, effectively replacing the traditional bifurcation at Class 10 (the board-examination gateway) and integrating what was previously called 'secondary' and 'senior secondary' into a single four-year continuum. This is precisely the conceptual foundation behind state-level moves to adopt an X+2 (Class 9–12) integrated school system. Statement 2 is correct. Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (KGBVs), along with Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (Navodaya schools), operate as integrated residential schools that continue beyond Class 10. Empirical experience with such models — including the observation cited by the Telangana government — shows that schools offering Classes 11 and 12 within the same campus exhibit markedly lower dropout rates, especially among girls and students from socially disadvantaged groups (Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and minority communities), compared to schools that terminate at Class 10 and require students to seek admission elsewhere. Statement 3 is incorrect. Under NEP 2020, the Foundational Stage of the 5+3+3+4 framework covers ages 3–8 (three years of pre-primary/Anganwadi/ECCE plus Classes 1 and 2 — a total of five years). It does NOT correspond to ages 8–13. The subsequent Preparatory Stage covers ages 8–11 (Classes 3–5). The age group 8–13 would straddle two distinct stages (Preparatory and Middle), making Statement 3 a misconception about the foundational stage's scope.

Explanation

Statement 1 is correct. Under Article 254 of the Constitution, in the Concurrent List (List III of the Seventh Schedule), both Parliament and State Legislatures can legislate; however, in case of repugnancy between a Central and a State law on a Concurrent subject, the Central law prevails — unless the State law has received Presidential assent. Education was moved to the Concurrent List by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment in 1976. Statement 2 is false and reflects a common misconception. Being on the Concurrent List does not strip States of independent legislative or administrative authority. In practice, most government schools and school boards are under State/UT administration — they are not 'mere implementing agencies' of the Centre. The Centre and States share responsibility, with States holding substantial operational autonomy, as seen in schemes like PM POSHAN where States decide menus and procure local food items within prescribed norms.